The Truth will prevail, But only if we Demand it from Congress!
9-11 Inside Job and Neocons Hacked 2004
Articles of Impeachment
Dennis J. Kucinich of Ohio
In the United States House of Representatives
Monday, June 9th, 2008
A Resolution
INDEX
Article I
Creating a Secret Propaganda Campaign to Manufacture a False Case
for War Against Iraq.
Article II
Falsely, Systematically, and with Criminal Intent Conflating the
Attacks of September 11, 2001, With
Misrepresentation of Iraq as a Security Threat as Part of Fraudulent
Justification for a War of
Aggression.
Article III
Misleading the American People and Members of Congress to Believe
Iraq Possessed Weapons of
Mass Destruction, to Manufacture a False Case for War.
Article IV
Misleading the American People and Members of Congress to Believe
Iraq Posed an Imminent Threat
to the United States.
Article V
Illegally Misspending Funds to Secretly Begin a War of Aggression.
Article VI
Invading Iraq in Violation of the Requirements of HJRes114.
Article VII
Invading Iraq Absent a Declaration of War.
Article VIII
Invading Iraq, A Sovereign Nation, in Violation of the UN Charter.
Article IX
Failing to Provide Troops With Body Armor and Vehicle Armor
Article X
Falsifying Accounts of US Troop Deaths and Injuries for Political
Purposes
Article XI
Establishment of Permanent U.S. Military Bases in Iraq
Article XII
Initiating a War Against Iraq for Control of That Nation's Natural
Resources
Article XIIII
Creating a Secret Task Force to Develop Energy and Military Policies
With Respect to Iraq and Other
Countries
Article XIV
Misprision of a Felony, Misuse and Exposure of Classified
Information And Obstruction of Justice in
the Matter of Valerie Plame Wilson, Clandestine Agent of the Central
Intelligence Agency
Article XV
Providing Immunity from Prosecution for Criminal Contractors in Iraq
Article XVI
Reckless Misspending and Waste of U.S. Tax Dollars in Connection
With Iraq and US Contractors
Article XVII
Illegal Detention: Detaining Indefinitely And Without Charge Persons
Both U.S. Citizens and Foreign
Captives
Article XVIII
Torture: Secretly Authorizing, and Encouraging the Use of Torture
Against Captives in Afghanistan,
Iraq, and Other Places, as a Matter of Official Policy
Article XIX
Rendition: Kidnapping People and Taking Them Against Their Will to
"Black Sites" Located in Other
Nations, Including Nations Known to Practice Torture
Article XX
Imprisoning Children
Article XXI
Misleading Congress and the American People About Threats from Iran,
and Supporting Terrorist
Organizations Within Iran, With the Goal of Overthrowing the Iranian
Government
Article XXII
Creating Secret Laws
Article XXIII
Violation of the Posse Comitatus Act
Article XXIV
Spying on American Citizens, Without a Court-Ordered Warrant, in
Violation of the Law and the
Fourth Amendment
Article XXV
Directing Telecommunications Companies to Create an Illegal and
Unconstitutional Database of the
Private Telephone Numbers and Emails of American Citizens
Article XXVI
Announcing the Intent to Violate Laws with Signing Statements
Article XXVII
Failing to Comply with Congressional Subpoenas and Instructing
Former Employees Not to Comply
Article XXVIII
Tampering with Free and Fair Elections, Corruption of the
Administration of Justice
Article XXIX
Conspiracy to Violate the Voting Rights Act of 1965
Article XXX
Misleading Congress and the American People in an Attempt to Destroy
Medicare
Article XXXI
Katrina: Failure to Plan for the Predicted Disaster of Hurricane
Katrina, Failure to Respond to a Civil
Emergency
Article XXXII
Misleading Congress and the American People, Systematically
Undermining Efforts to Address Global
Climate Change
Article XXXIII
Repeatedly Ignored and Failed to Respond to High Level Intelligence
Warnings of Planned Terrorist
Attacks in the US, Prior to 911.
Article XXXIV
Obstruction of the Investigation into the Attacks of September 11,
2001
Article XXXV
Endangering the Health of 911 First Responders
____________
ARTICLES OF IMPEACHMENT FOR PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH
Resolved, that President George W. Bush be impeached for high crimes
and misdemeanors, and that the
following articles of impeachment be exhibited to the United States
Senate:
Articles of impeachment exhibited by the House of Representatives of
the United States of America in
the name of itself and of the people of the United States of
America, in maintenance and support of its
impeachment against President George W. Bush for high crimes and
misdemeanors.
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has
committed the following abuses of power.
_____________
ARTICLE I
CREATING A SECRET PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGN TO MANUFACTURE A FALSE CASE
FOR
WAR AGAINST IRAQ
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution "to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed",
has both personally and acting through his agents and subordinates,
together with the Vice President,
illegally spent public dollars on a secret propaganda program to
manufacture a false cause for war
against Iraq.
The Department of Defense (DOD) has engaged in a years-long secret
domestic propaganda campaign
to promote the invasion and occupation of Iraq. This secret program
was defended by the White House
Press Secretary following its exposure. This program follows the
pattern of crimes detailed in Article I,
II, IV and VIII.. The mission of this program placed it within the
field controlled by the White House
Iraq Group (WHIG), a White House task-force formed in August 2002 to
market an invasion of Iraq to
the American people. The group included Karl Rove, I. Lewis Libby,
Condoleezza Rice, Karen
Hughes, Mary Matalin, Stephen Hadley, Nicholas E. Calio, and James
R. Wilkinson.
The WHIG produced white papers detailing so-called intelligence of
Iraq's nuclear threat that later
proved to be false. This supposed intelligence included the claim
that Iraq had sought uranium from
Niger as well as the claim that the high strength aluminum tubes
Iraq purchased from China were to be
used for the sole purpose of building centrifuges to enrich uranium.
Unlike the National Intelligence
Estimate of 2002, the WHIG's white papers provided "gripping images
and stories" and used "literary
license" with intelligence. The WHIG's white papers were written at
the same time and by the same
people as speeches and talking points prepared for President Bush
and some of his top officials.
The WHIG also organized a media blitz in which, between September
7-8, 2002, President Bush and
his top advisers appeared on numerous interviews and all provided
similarly gripping images about the
possibility of nuclear attack by Iraq. The timing was no
coincidence, as Andrew Card explained in an
interview regarding waiting until after Labor Day to try to sell the
American people on military action
against Iraq, "From a marketing point of view, you don't introduce
new products in August."
September 7-8, 2002:
NBC's "Meet the Press: Vice President Cheney accused Saddam of
moving aggressively to develop
nuclear weapons over the past 14 months to add to his stockpile of
chemical and biological arms.
CNN: Then-National Security Adviser Rice said, regarding the
likelihood of Iraq obtaining a nuclear
weapon, "We don't want the smoking gun to be a mushroom cloud."
CBS: President Bush declared that Saddam was "six months away from
developing a weapon," and
cited satellite photos of construction in Iraq where weapons
inspectors once visited as evidence that
Saddam was trying to develop nuclear arms.
The Pentagon military analyst propaganda program was revealed in an
April 20, 2002, New York
Times article. The program illegally involved "covert attempts to
mold opinion through the
undisclosed use of third parties." Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld recruited 75 retired military
officers and gave them talking points to deliver on Fox, CNN, ABC,
NBC, CBS, and MSNBC, and
according to the New York Times report, which has not been disputed
by the Pentagon or the White
House, "Participants were instructed not to quote their briefers
directly or otherwise describe their
contacts with the Pentagon."
According to the Pentagon's own internal documents, the military
analysts were considered "message
force multipliers" or "surrogates" who would deliver administration
"themes and messages" to millions
of Americans "in the form of their own opinions." In fact, they did
deliver the themes and the
messages but did not reveal that the Pentagon had provided them with
their talking points. Robert S.
Bevelacqua, a retired Green Beret and Fox News military analyst
described this as follows: "It was
them saying, 'We need to stick our hands up your back and move your
mouth for you.'"
Congress has restricted annual appropriations bills since 1951 with
this language: "No part of any
appropriation contained in this or any other Act shall be used for
publicity or propaganda purposes
within the United States not heretofore authorized by the Congress."
A March 21, 2005, report by the Congressional Research Service
states that "publicity or propaganda"
is defined by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) to
mean either (1) self-
aggrandizement by public officials, (2) purely partisan activity, or
(3) "covert propaganda."
These concerns about "covert propaganda" were also the basis for the
GAO's standard for determining
when government-funded video news releases are illegal:
"The failure of an agency to identify itself as the source of a
prepackaged news story misleads the
viewing public by encouraging the viewing audience to believe that
the broadcasting news organization
developed the information. The prepackaged news stories are
purposefully designed to be
indistinguishable from news segments broadcast to the public. When
the television viewing public does
not know that the stories they watched on television news programs
about the government were in fact
prepared by the government, the stories are, in this sense, no
longer purely factual -- the essential fact
of attribution is missing."
The White House's own Office of Legal Council stated in a memorandum
written in 2005 following the
controversy over the Armstrong Williams scandal:
"Over the years, GAO has interpreted 'publicity or propaganda'
restrictions to preclude use of
appropriated funds for, among other things, so-called 'covert
propaganda.' ... Consistent with that view,
the OLC determined in 1988 that a statutory prohibition on using
appropriated funds for 'publicity or
propaganda' precluded undisclosed agency funding of advocacy by
third-party groups. We stated that
'covert attempts to mold opinion through the undisclosed use of
third parties' would run afoul of
restrictions on using appropriated funds for 'propaganda.'"
Asked about the Pentagon's propaganda program at White House press
briefing in April 2008, White
House Press Secretary Dana Perino defended it, not by arguing that
it was legal but by suggesting that
it "should" be: "Look, I didn't know look, I think that you guys
should take a step back and look at this
look, DOD has made a decision, they've decided to stop this program.
But I would say that one of the
things that we try to do in the administration is get information
out to a variety of people so that
everybody else can call them and ask their opinion about something.
And I don't think that that should
be against the law. And I think that it's absolutely appropriate to
provide information to people who are
seeking it and are going to be providing their opinions on it. It
doesn't necessarily mean that all of those
military analysts ever agreed with the administration. I think you
can go back and look and think that a
lot of their analysis was pretty tough on the administration. That
doesn't mean that we shouldn't talk to
people."
In all of these actions and decisions, President George W. Bush has
acted in a manner contrary to his
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subversive of
constitutional government, to the
prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury
of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, President George W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of
an impeachable offense warranting
removal from office.
Article II
FALSELY, SYSTEMATICALLY, AND WITH CRIMINAL INTENT CONFLATING THE
ATTACKS
OF SEPTEMBER 11, 2001 WITH MISREPRESENTATION OF IRAQ AS AN IMMINENT
SECURITY THREAT AS PART OF A FRAUDULENT JUSTIFICATION FOR A WAR OF
AGGRESSION.
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution "to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed",
has both personally and acting through his agents and subordinates,
together with the Vice President,
executed a calculated and wide-ranging strategy to deceive the
citizens and Congress of the United
States into believing that there was and is a connection between
Iraq and Saddam Hussein on the one
hand, and the attacks of September 11, 2001 and al Qaeda, on the
other hand, so as to falsely justify the
use of the United States Armed Forces against the nation of Iraq in
a manner that is damaging to the
national security interests of the United States, as well as to
fraudulently obtain and maintain
congressional authorization and funding for the use of such military
force against Iraq, thereby
interfering with and obstructing Congress's lawful functions of
overseeing foreign affairs and declaring
war.
The means used to implement this deception were and continue to be,
first, allowing, authorizing and
sanctioning the manipulation of intelligence analysis by those under
his direction and control, including
the Vice President and the Vice President's agents, and second,
personally making, or causing,
authorizing and allowing to be made through highly-placed
subordinates, including the President's
Chief of Staff, the White House Press Secretary and other White
House spokespersons, the Secretaries
of State and Defense, the National Security Advisor, and their
deputies and spokespersons, false and
fraudulent representations to the citizens of the United States and
Congress regarding an alleged
connection between Saddam Hussein and Iraq, on the one hand, and the
September 11th attacks and al
Qaeda, on the other hand, that were half-true, literally true but
misleading, and/or made without a
reasonable basis and with reckless indifference to their truth, as
well as omitting to state facts necessary
to present an accurate picture of the truth as follows:
(A) On or about September 12, 2001, former terrorism advisor Richard
Clarke personally informed the
President that neither Saddam Hussein nor Iraq was responsible for
the September 11th attacks. On
September 18, Clarke submitted to the President's National Security
Adviser Condoleezza Rice a
memo he had written in response to George W. Bush's specific request
that stated: (1) the case for
linking Hussein to the September 11th attacks was weak; (2) only
anecdotal evidence linked Hussein to
al Qaeda; (3) Osama Bin Laden resented the secularism of Saddam
Hussein; and (4) there was no
confirmed reporting of Saddam Hussein cooperating with Bin Laden on
unconventional weapons.
(B) Ten days after the September 11th attacks the President received
a President's Daily Briefing
which indicated that the U.S. intelligence community had no evidence
linking Saddam Hussein to the
September 11th attacks and that there was "scant credible evidence
that Iraq had any significant
collaborative ties with Al Qaeda."
(C) In Defense Intelligence Terrorism Summary No. 044-02, issued in
February 2002, the United
States Defense Intelligence Agency cast significant doubt on the
possibility of a Saddam Hussein- Al
Qaeda conspiracy: "Saddam's regime is intensely secular and is wary
of Islamic revolutionary
movements. Moreover, Baghdad is unlikely to provide assistance to a
group it cannot control."
(D) The October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate gave a "Low
Confidence" rating to the notion of
whether "in desperation Saddam would share chemical or biological
weapons with Al Qaeda." The
CIA never informed the President that there was an operational
relationship between Al Qaeda and
Saddam Hussein; on the contrary, its most "aggressive" analysis
contained in Iraq and al-Qaeda-
Interpreting a Murky Relationship" dated June 21, 2002 was that Iraq
had had "sporadic, wary contacts
with al Qaeda since the mid-1990s rather than a relationship with al
Qaeda that has developed over
time."
(E) Notwithstanding his knowledge that neither Saddam Hussein nor
Iraq was in any way connected to
the September 11th attacks, the President allowed and authorized
those acting under his direction and
control, including Vice President Richard B. Cheney and Lewis Libby,
who reported directly to both
the President and the Vice President, and Secretary of Defense
Donald Rumsfeld, among others, to
pressure intelligence analysts to alter their assessments and to
create special units outside of, and
unknown to, the intelligence community in order to secretly obtain
unreliable information, to
manufacture intelligence or reinterpret raw data in ways that would
further the Bush administration's
goal of fraudulently establishing a relationship not only between
Iraq and al Qaeda, but between Iraq
and the attacks of September 11th.
(F) Further, despite his full awareness that Iraq and Saddam Hussein
had no relationship to the
September 11th attacks, the President, and those acting under his
direction and control have, since at
least 2002 and continuing to the present, repeatedly issued public
statements deliberately worded to
mislead, words calculated in their implication to bring unrelated
actors and circumstances into an
artificially contrived reality thereby facilitating the systematic
deception of Congress and the American
people. Thus the public and some members of Congress, came to
believe, falsely, that there was a
connection between Iraq and the attacks of 911. This was
accomplished through well-publicized
statements by the Bush Administration which contrived to continually
tie Iraq and 911 in the same
statements of grave concern without making an explicit charge:
(1) " [If] Iraq regimes [sic] continues to defy us, and the world,
we will move deliberately, yet
decisively, to hold Iraq to account…It's a new world we're in. We
used to think two oceans could
separate us from an enemy. On that tragic day, September the 11th,
2001, we found out that's not the
case. We found out this great land of liberty and of freedom and of
justice is vulnerable. And therefore
we must do everything we can -- everything we can -- to secure the
homeland, to make us safe."
Speech of President Bush in Iowa on September 16, 2002.
(2) "With every step the Iraqi regime takes toward gaining and
deploying the most terrible weapons,
our own options to confront that regime will narrow. And if an
emboldened regime were to supply
these weapons to terrorist allies, then the attacks of September
11th would be a prelude to far greater
horrors." March 6, 2003, Statement of President Bush in National
Press Conference.
(3) "The battle of Iraq is one victory in a war on terror that began
on September the 11, 2001 -- and still
goes on. That terrible morning, 19 evil men -- the shock troops of a
hateful ideology -- gave America
and the civilized world a glimpse of their ambitions. They imagined,
in the words of one terrorist, that
September the 11th would be the 'beginning of the end of America.'
By seeking to turn our cities into
killing fields, terrorists and their allies believed that they could
destroy this nation's resolve, and force
our retreat from the world. They have failed." May 1, 2003, Speech
of President Bush on U.S.S.
Abraham Lincoln.
(4) "Now we're in a new and unprecedented war against violent
Islamic extremists. This is an
ideological conflict we face against murderers and killers who try
to impose their will. These are the
people that attacked us on September the 11th and killed nearly
3,000 people. The stakes are high, and
once again, we have had to change our strategic thinking. The major
battleground in this war is Iraq."
June 28, 2007, Speech of President Bush at the Naval War College in
Newport, Rhode Island.
(G) Notwithstanding his knowledge that there was no credible
evidence of a working relationship
between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda and that the intelligence
community had specifically assessed
that there was no such operational relationship, the President, both
personally and through his
subordinates and agents, has repeatedly falsely represented, both
explicitly and implicitly, and through
the misleading use of selectively-chosen facts, to the citizens of
the United States and to the Congress
that there was and is such an ongoing operational relationship, to
wit:
(1) "We know that Iraq and al Qaeda have had high-level contacts
that go back a decade. Some al
Qaeda leaders who fled Afghanistan went to Iraq. These include one
very senior al Qaeda leader who
received medical treatment in Baghdad this year, and who has been
associated with planning for
chemical and biological attacks. We've learned that Iraq has trained
al Qaeda members in bomb-making
and poisons and deadly gases." September 28, 2002, Weekly Radio
Address of President Bush to the
Nation.
(2) "[W]e we need to think about Saddam Hussein using al Qaeda to do
his dirty work, to not leave
fingerprints behind." October 14, 2002, Remarks by President Bush in
Michigan.
(3) "We know he's got ties with al Qaeda." November 1, 2002, Speech
of President Bush in New
Hampshire.
(4) "Evidence from intelligence sources, secret communications, and
statements by people now in
custody reveal that Saddam Hussein aids and protects terrorists,
including members of al Qaeda.
Secretly, and without fingerprints, he could provide one of his
hidden weapons to terrorists, or help
them develop their own." January 28, 2003, President Bush's State of
the Union Address.
(5) "[W]hat I want to bring to your attention today is the
potentially much more sinister nexus between
Iraq and the al Qaeda terrorist network, a nexus that combines
classic terrorist organizations and
modern methods of murder. Iraq today harbors a deadly terrorist
network…" February 5, 2003, Speech
of Former Secretary of State Colin Powell to the United Nations.
(6) "The battle of Iraq is one victory in a war on terror that began
on September the 11, 2001 — and
still goes on. . . . [T]he liberation of Iraq . . . removed an ally
of al Qaeda." May 1, 2003, Speech of
President Bush on U.S. S. Abraham Lincoln
(H) The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Report on Whether
Public Statements Regarding Iraq
By U.S. Government Officials Were Substantiated By Intelligence
Information, which was released on
June 5, 2008, concluded that:
(1) "Statements and implications by the President and Secretary of
State suggesting that Iraq and al-
Qa'ida had a partnership, or that Iraq had provided al-Qa'ida with
weapons training, were not
substantiated by the intelligence."
(2) "The Intelligence Community did not confirm that Muhammad Atta
met an Iraqi intelligence officer
in Prague in 2001 as the Vice President repeatedly claimed."
Through his participation and instance in the breathtaking scope of
this deception, the President has
used the highest office of trust to wage of campaign of deception of
such sophistication as to
deliberately subvert the national security interests of the United
States. His dishonesty set the stage for
the loss of more than 4000 United States service members; injuries
to tens of thousands of soldiers, the
loss of more than 1,000,000 innocent Iraqi citizens since the United
States invasion; the loss of
approximately $527 billion in war costs which has increased our
Federal debt and the ultimate
expenditure of three to five trillion dollars for all costs covering
the war; the loss of military readiness
within the United States Armed Services due to overextension, the
lack of training and lack of
equipment; the loss of United States credibility in world affairs;
and the decades of likely blowback
created by the invasion of Iraq.
In all of these actions and decisions, President George W. Bush has
acted in a manner contrary to his
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subversive of
constitutional government, to the
prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury
of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, President George W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of
an impeachable offense warranting
removal from office.
Article III
MISLEADING THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AND MEMBERS OF CONGRESS TO BELIEVE
IRAQ
POSSESSED WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION, SO AS TO MANUFACTURE A FALSE
CASE FOR WAR
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution "to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed",
has both personally and acting through his agents and subordinates,
together with the Vice President,
executed instead a calculated and wide-ranging strategy to deceive
the citizens and Congress of the
United States into believing that the nation of Iraq possessed
weapons of mass destruction in order to
justify the use of the United States Armed Forces against the nation
of Iraq in a manner damaging to
our national security interests, thereby interfering with and
obstructing Congress's lawful functions of
overseeing foreign affairs and declaring war.
The means used to implement this deception were and continue to be
personally making, or causing,
authorizing and allowing to be made through highly-placed
subordinates, including the President's
Chief of Staff, the White House Press Secretary and other White
House spokespersons, the Secretaries
of State and Defense, the National Security Advisor, and their
deputies and spokespersons, false and
fraudulent representations to the citizens of the United States and
Congress regarding Iraq's alleged
possession of biological, chemical and nuclear weapons that were
half-true, literally true but
misleading, and/or made without a reasonable basis and with reckless
indifference to their truth, as well
as omitting to state facts necessary to present an accurate picture
of the truth as follows:
(A) Long before the March 19, 2003 invasion of Iraq, a wealth of
intelligence informed the President
and those under his direction and control that Iraq's stockpiles of
chemical and biological weapons had
been destroyed well before 1998 and that there was little, if any,
credible intelligence that showed
otherwise. As reported in the Washington Post in March of 2003, in
1995, Saddam Hussein's son-in-
law Hussein Kamel had informed U.S. and British intelligence
officers that "all weapons—biological,
chemical, missile, nuclear were destroyed." In September 2002, the
Defense Intelligence Agency
issued a report that concluded: "A substantial amount of Iraq's
chemical warfare agents, precursors,
munitions and production equipment were destroyed between 1991 and
1998 as a result of Operation
Desert Storm and UNSCOM actions…[T]here is no reliable information
on whether Iraq is producing
and stockpiling chemical weapons or whether Iraq has-or
will-establish its chemical warfare agent
production facilities." Notwithstanding the absence of evidence
proving that such stockpiles existed
and in direct contradiction to substantial evidence that showed they
did not exist, the President and his
subordinates and agents made numerous false representations claiming
with certainty that Iraq
possessed chemical and biological weapons that it was developing to
use to attack the United States, to
wit:
(1) "[T]he notion of a Saddam Hussein with his great oil wealth,
with his inventory that he already has
of biological and chemical weapons . . . is, I think, a frightening
proposition for anybody who thinks
about it." Statement of Vice President Cheney on CBS's Face the
Nation, March 24, 2002.
(2) "In defiance of the United Nations, Iraq has stockpiled
biological and chemical weapons, and is
rebuilding the facilities used to make more of those weapons."
Speech of President Bush, October 5,
2002.
(3) "All the world has now seen the footage of an Iraqi Mirage
aircraft with a fuel tank modified to
spray biological agents over wide areas. Iraq has developed spray
devices that could be used on
unmanned aerial vehicles with ranges far beyond what is permitted by
the Security Council. A UAV
launched from a vessel off the American coast could reach hundreds
of miles inland." Statement by
President Bush from the White House, February 6, 2003.
(B) Despite overwhelming intelligence in the form of statements and
reports filed by and on behalf of
the CIA, the State Department and the IAEA, among others, which
indicated that the claim was untrue,
the President, and those under his direction and control, made
numerous representations claiming and
implying through misleading language that Iraq was attempting to
purchase uranium from Niger in
order to falsely buttress its argument that Iraq was reconstituting
its nuclear weapons program,
including:
(1) ""The regime has the scientists and facilities to build nuclear
weapons, and is seeking the materials
needed to do so." Statement of President Bush from White House,
October 2, 2002.
(2) "The [Iraqi] report also failed to deal with issues which have
arisen since 1998, including: . .
attempts to acquire uranium and the means to enrich it." Letter from
President Bush to Vice President
Cheney and the Senate, January 20, 2003.
(3) "The British Government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently
sought significant quantities of
uranium from Africa ." President Bush Delivers State of the Union
Address, January 28, 2003.
(C) Despite overwhelming evidence in the form of reports by nuclear
weapons experts from the
Energy, the Defense and State Departments, as well from outside and
international agencies which
assessed that aluminum tubes the Iraqis were purchasing were not
suitable for nuclear centrifuge use
and were, on the contrary, identical to ones used in rockets already
being manufactured by the Iraqis,
the President, and those under his direction and control, persisted
in making numerous false and
fraudulent representations implying and stating explicitly that the
Iraqis were purchasing the tubes for
use in a nuclear weapons program, to wit:
(1) "We do know that there have been shipments going . . . into Iraq
. . . of aluminum tubes that really
are only suited to -- high-quality aluminum tools [sic] that are
only really suited for nuclear weapons
programs, centrifuge programs." Statement of then National Security
Advisor Condoleezza Rice on
CNN's Late Edition with Wolf Blitzer, September 8, 2002.
(2) "Our intelligence sources tell us that he has attempted to
purchase high-strength aluminum tubes
suitable for nuclear weapons production." President Bush's State of
the Union Address, January 28,
2003.
(3) "[H]e has made repeated covert attempts to acquire
high-specification aluminum tubes from 11
different countries, even after inspections resumed. …By now, just
about everyone has heard of these
tubes and we all know that there are differences of opinion. There
is controversy about what these tubes
are for. Most US experts think they are intended to serve as rotors
in centrifuges used to enrich
uranium." Speech of Former Secretary of State Colin Powell to the
United Nations, February 5, 2003.
(D) The President, both personally and acting through those under
his direction and control, suppressed
material information, selectively declassified information for the
improper purposes of retaliating
against a whistleblower and presenting a misleading picture of the
alleged threat from Iraq, facilitated
the exposure of the identity of a covert CIA operative and
thereafter not only failed to investigate the
improper leaks of classified information from within his
administration, but also failed to cooperate
with an investigation into possible federal violations resulting
from this activity and, finally, entirely
undermined the prosecution by commuting the sentence of Lewis Libby
citing false and insubstantial
grounds, all in an effort to prevent Congress and the citizens of
the United States from discovering the
fraudulent nature of the President's claimed justifications for the
invasion of Iraq.
(E) The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Report on Whether
Public Statements Regarding Iraq
By U.S. Government Officials Were Substantiated By Intelligence
Information, which was released on
June 5, 2008, concluded that:
(1) "Statements by the President and Vice President prior to the
October 2002 National Intelligence
Estimate regarding Iraq's chemical weapons production capability and
activities did not reflect the
intelligence community's uncertainties as to whether such production
was ongoing."
(2) "The Secretary of Defense's statement that the Iraqi government
operated underground WMD
facilities that were not vulnerable to conventional airstrikes
because they were underground and deeply
buried was not substantiated by available intelligence information."
(3) Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee Jay Rockefeller
concluded: "In making the case for
war, the Administration repeatedly presented intelligence as fact
when in reality it was unsubstantiated,
contradicted, or even non-existent. As a result, the American people
were led to believe that the threat
from Iraq was much greater than actually existed."
The President has subverted the national security interests of the
United States by setting the stage for
the loss of more than 4000 United States service members and the
injury to tens of thousands of US
soldiers; the loss of more than 1,000,000 innocent Iraqi citizens
since the United States invasion; the
loss of approximately $500 billion in war costs which has increased
our Federal debt with a long term
financial cost of between three and five trillion dollars; the loss
of military readiness within the United
States Armed Services due to overextension, the lack of training and
lack of equipment; the loss of
United States credibility in world affairs; and the decades of
likely blowback created by the invasion of
Iraq.
In all of these actions and decisions, President George W. Bush has
acted in a manner contrary to his
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subversive of
constitutional government, to the
prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury
of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, President George W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of
an impeachable offense warranting
removal from office.
Article IV
MISLEADING THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AND MEMBERS OF CONGRESS TO BELIEVE
IRAQ
POSED AN IMMINENT THREAT TO THE UNITED STATES
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution "to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed",
has both personally and acting through his agents and subordinates,
together with the Vice President,
executed a calculated and wide-ranging strategy to deceive the
citizens and Congress of the United
States into believing that the nation of Iraq posed an imminent
threat to the United States in order to
justify the use of the United States Armed Forces against the nation
of Iraq in a manner damaging to
our national security interests, thereby interfering with and
obstructing Congress's lawful functions of
overseeing foreign affairs and declaring war.
The means used to implement this deception were and continue to be,
first, allowing, authorizing and
sanctioning the manipulation of intelligence analysis by those under
his direction and control, including
the Vice President and the Vice President's agents, and second,
personally making, or causing,
authorizing and allowing to be made through highly-placed
subordinates, including the President's
Chief of Staff, the White House Press Secretary and other White
House spokespersons, the Secretaries
of State and Defense, the National Security Advisor, and their
deputies and spokespersons, false and
fraudulent representations to the citizens of the United States and
Congress regarding an alleged urgent
threat posed by Iraq, statements that were half-true, literally true
but misleading, and/or made without a
reasonable basis and with reckless indifference to their truth, as
well as omitting to state facts necessary
to present an accurate picture of the truth as follows:
(A) Notwithstanding the complete absence of intelligence analysis to
support a claim that Iraq posed
an imminent or urgent threat to the United States and the
intelligence community's assessment that Iraq
was in fact not likely to attack the United States unless it was
itself attacked, President Bush, both
personally and through his agents and subordinates, made, allowed
and caused to be made repeated
false representations to the citizens and Congress of the United
States implying and explicitly stating
that such a dire threat existed, including the following:
(1) "States such as these [Iraq, Iran and North Korea] and their
terrorist allies constitute an axis of evil,
arming to threaten the peace of the world. By seeking weapons of
mass destruction, these regimes pose
a grave and growing danger. They could provide these arms to
terrorists, giving them the means to
match their hatred. They could attack our allies or attempt to
blackmail the United States. In any of
these cases, the price of indifference would be catastrophic."
President Bush's State of the Union
Address, January 29, 2002.
(2) "Simply stated, there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein has
weapons of mass destruction. He is
amassing them to use against our friends our enemies and against
us." Speech of Vice President
Cheney at VFW 103rd National Convention, August 26, 2002.
(3) "The history, the logic, and the facts lead to one conclusion:
Saddam Hussein's regime is a grave
and gathering danger. To suggest otherwise is to hope against the
evidence. To assume this regime's
good faith is to bet the lives of millions and the peace of the
world in a reckless gamble. And this is a
risk we must not take." Address of President Bush to the United
Nations General Assembly, September
12, 2002.
(4) "[N]o terrorist state poses a greater or more immediate threat
to the security of our people than the
regime of Saddam Hussein and Iraq." Statement of Former Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld to
Congress, September 19, 2002.
(5) "On its present course, the Iraqi regime is a threat of unique
urgency. . . . it has developed weapons
of mass death." Statement of President Bush at White House, October
2, 2002.
(6) "But the President also believes that this problem has to be
dealt with, and if the United Nations
won't deal with it, then the United States, with other likeminded
nations, may have to deal with it. We
would prefer not to go that route, but the danger is so great, with
respect to Saddam Hussein having
weapons of mass destruction, and perhaps even terrorists getting
hold of such weapons, that it is time
for the international community to act, and if it doesn't act, the
President is prepared to act with
likeminded nations." Statement of Former Secretary of State Colin
Powell in interview with Ellen
Ratner of Talk Radio News, October 30, 2002.
(7) "Today the world is also uniting to answer the unique and urgent
threat posed by Iraq. A dictator
who has used weapons of mass destruction on his own people must not
be allowed to produce or
possess those weapons. We will not permit Saddam Hussein to
blackmail and/or terrorize nations which
love freedom." Speech by President Bush to Prague Atlantic Student
Summit, November 20, 2002.
(8) "But the risk of doing nothing, the risk of the security of this
country being jeopardized at the
hands of a madman with weapons of mass destruction far exceeds the
risk of any action we may be
forced to take." President Bush Meets with National Economic Council
at White House, February 25,
2003.
(B) In furtherance of his fraudulent effort to deceive Congress and
the citizens of the United States into
believing that Iraq and Saddam Hussein posed an imminent threat to
the United States, the President
allowed and authorized those acting under his direction and control,
including Vice President Richard
B. Cheney, former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, and Lewis
Libby, who reportedly directly to
both the President and the Vice President, among others, to pressure
intelligence analysts to tailor their
assessments and to create special units outside of, and unknown to,
the intelligence community in order
to secretly obtain unreliable information, to manufacture
intelligence, or to reinterpret raw data in ways
that would support the Bush administration's plan to invade Iraq
based on a false claim of urgency
despite the lack of justification for such a preemptive action.
(C) The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Report on Whether
Public Statements Regarding Iraq
By U.S. Government Officials Were Substantiated By Intelligence
Information, which was released on
June 5, 2008, concluded that:
(1) "Statements by the President and the Vice President indicating
that Saddam Hussein was prepared
to give weapons of mass destruction to terrorist groups for attacks
against the United States were
contradicted by available intelligence information."
Thus the President willfully and falsely misrepresented Iraq as an
urgent threat requiring immediate
action thereby subverting the national security interests of the
United States by setting the stage for the
loss of more than 4000 United States service members; the injuries
to tens of thousands of US soldiers;
the deaths of more than 1,000,000 Iraqi citizens since the United
States invasion; the loss of
approximately $527 billion in war costs which has increased our
Federal debt and the ultimate costs of
the war between three trillion and five trillion dollars; the loss
of military readiness within the United
States Armed Services due to overextension, the lack of training and
lack of equipment; the loss of
United States credibility in world affairs; and the decades of
likely blowback created by the invasion of
Iraq.
In all of these actions and decisions, President George W. Bush has
acted in a manner contrary to his
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subversive of
constitutional government, to the
prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury
of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, President George W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of
an impeachable offense warranting
removal from office.
Article V.
ILLEGALLY MISSPENDING FUNDS TO SECRETLY BEGIN A WAR OF AGGRESSION
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution "to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed",
has both personally and acting through his agents and subordinates,
together with the Vice President,
illegally misspent funds to begin a war in secret prior to any
Congressional authorization.
The president used over $2 billion in the summer of 2002 to prepare
for the invasion of Iraq. First
reported in Bob Woodward's book, Plan of Attack, and later confirmed
by the Congressional Research
Service, Bush took money appropriated by Congress for Afghanistan
and other programs and—with no
Congressional notification -- used it to build airfields in Qatar
and to make other preparations for the
invasion of Iraq. This constituted a violation of Article I, Section
9 of the U.S. Constitution, as well as a
violation of the War Powers Act of 1973.
In all of these actions and decisions, President George W. Bush has
acted in a manner contrary to his
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subversive of
constitutional government, to the
prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury
of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, President George W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of
an impeachable offense warranting
removal from office.
Article VI.
INVADING IRAQ IN VIOLATION OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF HJRes114.
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution "to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed",
exceeded his Constitutional authority to wage war by invading Iraq
in 2003 without meeting the
requirements of HJRes 114, the "Authorization for Use of Military
Force Against Iraq Resolution of
2002" to wit:
(1) HJRes 114 contains several Whereas clauses consistent with
statements being made by the White
House at the time regarding the threat from Iraq as evidenced by the
following:
(A) HJRes 114 states "Whereas Iraq both poses a continuing threat to
the national security of the
United States and international peace and security in the Persian
Gulf region and remains in material
and unacceptable breach of its international obligations by, among
other things, continuing to possess
and develop a significant chemical and biological weapons
capability, actively seeking a nuclear
weapons capability, and supporting and harboring terrorist
organizations;"; and
(B) HJRes 114 states "Whereas members of Al Qaeda, an organization
bearing responsibility for
attacks on the United States, its citizens, and interests, including
the attacks that occurred on September
11, 2001, are known to be in Iraq;".
(2) HJRes 114 states that the President must provide a
determination, the truthfulness of which is
implied, that military force is necessary in order to use the
authorization, as evidenced by the
following:
(A) Section 3 of HJRes 114 states:
"(b) PRESIDENTIAL DETERMINATION.—In connection with the exercise of
the authority granted
in subsection (a) to use force the President shall, prior to such
exercise or as soon thereafter as may be
feasible, but no later than 48 hours after exercising such
authority, make available to the Speaker of the
House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate
his determination that—
(1) reliance by the United States on further diplomatic or other
peaceful means alone either (A) will not
adequately protect the national security of the United States
against the continuing threat posed by Iraq
or (B) is not likely to lead to enforcement of all relevant United
Nations Security Council resolutions
regarding Iraq; and
(2) acting pursuant to this joint resolution is consistent with the
United States and other countries
continuing to take the necessary actions against international
terrorist and terrorist organizations,
including those nations, organizations, or persons who planned,
authorized, committed or aided the
terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001."
(3) On March 18, 2003, President George Bush sent a letter to
Congress stating that he had made that
determination as evidenced by the following:
(A) March 18th, 2003 Letter to Congress stating:
Consistent with section 3(b) of the Authorization for Use of
Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of
2002 (Public Law 107-243), and based on information available to me,
including that in the enclosed
document, I determine that:
(1) reliance by the United States on further diplomatic and other
peaceful means alone will neither (A)
adequately protect the national security of the United States
against the continuing threat posed by Iraq
nor (B) likely lead to enforcement of all relevant United Nations
Security Council resolutions regarding
Iraq; and
(2) acting pursuant to the Constitution and Public Law 107-243 is
consistent with the United States and
other countries continuing to take the necessary actions against
international terrorists and terrorist
organizations, including those nations, organizations, or persons
who planned, authorized, committed,
or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001.
(4) President George Bush knew that these statements were false as
evidenced by:
(A) Information provided with Article I, II, III, IV and V.
(B) A statement by President George Bush in an interview with Tony
Blair on January 31st 2003: [WH]
Reporter: "One question for you both. Do you believe that there is a
link between Saddam Hussein, a
direct link, and the men who attacked on September the 11th?"
President Bush: "I can't make that claim"
(C) An article on February 19th by Terrorism expert Rohan Gunaratna
states "I could find no evidence
of links between Iraq and Al Qaeda. The documentation and interviews
indicated that Al Qaeda
regarded Saddam, a secular leader, as an infidel." [InternationalHeraldTribune]
(D) According to a February 2nd, 2003 article in the New York Times:
[NYT]
At the Federal Bureau of Investigation, some investigators said they
were baffled by the Bush
administration's insistence on a solid link between Iraq and Osama
bin Laden's network. "We've been
looking at this hard for more than a year and you know what, we just
don't think it's there," a
government official said.
(5) Section 3C of HJRes 114 states that "Nothing in this joint
resolution supersedes any requirement of
the War Powers Resolution."
(6) The War Powers Resolution Section 9(d)(1) states:
(d) Nothing in this joint resolution--
(1) is intended to alter the constitutional authority of the
Congress or of the President, or the provision
of existing treaties; or
(7) The United Nations Charter was an existing treaty and, as shown
in Article VIII, the invasion of
Iraq violated that treaty
(8) President George Bush knowingly failed to meet the requirements
of HJRes 114 and violated the
requirement of the War Powers Resolution and, thereby, invaded Iraq
without the authority of
Congress.
In all of these actions and decisions, President George W. Bush has
acted in a manner contrary to his
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subversive of
constitutional government, to the
prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury
of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, President George W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of
an impeachable offense warranting
removal from office.
Article VII.
INVADING IRAQ ABSENT A DECLARATION OF WAR
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution "to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed",
has launched a war against Iraq absent any congressional declaration
of war or equivalent action.
Article I, Section 8, Clause 11 (the War Powers Clause) makes clear
that the United States Congress
holds the exclusive power to decide whether or not to send the
nation into war. "The Congress," the
War Powers Clause states, "shall have power…To declare war…"
The October 2002 congressional resolution on Iraq did not constitute
a declaration of war or equivalent
action. The resolution stated: "The President is authorized to use
the Armed Forces of the United
States as he deems necessary and appropriate in order to 1) defend
the national security of the United
States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and 2) enforce
all relevant United Nations Security
Council resolutions regarding Iraq." The resolution unlawfully
sought to delegate to the President the
decision of whether or not to initiate a war against Iraq, based on
whether he deemed it "necessary and
appropriate." The Constitution does not allow Congress to delegate
this exclusive power to the
President, nor does it allow the President to seize this power.
In March 2003, the President launched a war against Iraq without any
constitutional authority.
In all of these actions and decisions, President George W. Bush has
acted in a manner contrary to his
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subversive of
constitutional government, to the
prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury
of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, President George W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of
an impeachable offense warranting
removal from office.
Article VIII
INVADING IRAQ, A SOVEREIGN NATION, IN VIOLATION OF THE UN CHARTER
AND
INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution "to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed",
violated United States law by invading the sovereign country of Iraq
in violation of the United Nations
Charter to wit:
(1) International Laws ratified by Congress are part of United
States Law and must be followed as
evidenced by the following:
(A) Article VI of the United States Constitution, which states "This
Constitution, and the Laws of the
United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all
Treaties made, or which shall be made,
under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law
of the Land;"
(2) The UN Charter, which entered into force following ratification
by the United States in 1945,
requires Security Council approval for the use of force except for
self-defense against an armed attack
as evidenced by the following:
A) Chapter 1, Article 2 of the United Nations Charter states:
"3.All Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful
means in such a manner that
international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.
"4.All Members shall refrain in their international relations from
the threat or use of force against the
territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in
any other manner inconsistent with the
Purposes of the United Nations."
(B) Chapter 7, Article 51 of the United Nations Charter states:
"51. Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right
of individual or collective self-
defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United
Nations, until the Security Council
has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and
security."
(3) There was no armed attack upon the United States by Iraq.
(4) The Security Council did not vote to approve the use of force
against Iraq as evidenced by:
(A) A United Nation Press release which states that the United
States had failed to convince the
Security Council to approve the use of military force against Iraq.
[UN]
(5) President Bush directed the United States military to invade
Iraq on March 19th, 2003 in violation
of the UN Charter and, therefore, in violation of United States Law
as evidenced by the following:
(A) A letter from President Bush to Congress dated March 21st, 2003
stating "I directed U.S. Armed
Forces, operating with other coalition forces, to commence combat
operations on March 19, 2003,
against Iraq." [WH]
(B) On September 16, 2004 Kofi Annan, the Secretary General of the
United Nations, speaking on the
invasion, said, "I have indicated it was not in conformity with the
UN charter. From our point of view,
from the charter point of view, it was illegal." [BBC]
( C ) The consequence of the instant and direction of President
George W. Bush, in ordering an attack
upon Iraq, a sovereign nation is in direct violation of United
States Code, Title 18, Part 1, Chapter 118,
Section 2441, governing the offense of war crimes.
(6). In the course of invading and occupying Iraq, the President, as
Commander in Chief, has taken
responsibility for the targeting of civilians, journalists,
hospitals, and ambulances, use of antipersonnel
weapons including cluster bombs in densely settled urban areas, the
use of white phosphorous as a
weapon, depleted uranium weapons, and the use of a new version of
napalm found in Mark 77
firebombs. Under the direction of President George Bush the United
States has engaged in collective
punishment of Iraqi civilian populations, including but not limited
to blocking roads, cutting electricity
and water, destroying fuel stations, planting bombs in farm fields,
demolishing houses, and plowing
over orchards.
(A) Under the principle of "command responsibility", i.e., that a de
jure command can be civilian as
well as military, and can apply to the policy command of heads of
state, said command brings President
George Bush within the reach of international criminal law under the
Additional Protocol I of June 8,
1977 to the Geneva Conventions of August 12, 1949, and Relating to
the Protection of Victims of
International Armed Conflicts, Article 86 (2). The United States is
a state signatory to Additional
Protocol I, on December 12, 1977.
(B) Furthermore, Article 85 (3) of said Protocol I defines as a
grave breach making a civilian
population or individual civilians the object of attacks. This
offense, together with the principle of
command responsibility, places President George Bush's conduct under
the reach of the same law and
principles described as the basis for war crimes prosecution at
Nuremburg, under Article 6 of the
Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunals: including crimes against peace,
violations of the laws and customs
of war and crimes against humanity, similarly codified in the Rome
Statute of the International
Criminal Court, Articles 5 through 8.
(C) The Lancet Report has established massive civilian casualties in
Iraq as a result of the United
States' invasion and occupation of that country.
(D) International laws governing wars of aggression are completely
prohibited under the legal
principle of jus cogens, whether or not a nation has signed or
ratified a particular international
agreement.
In all of these actions and decisions, President George W. Bush has
acted in a manner contrary to his
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subversive of
constitutional government, to the
prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury
of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, President George W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of
an impeachable offense warranting
removal from office
Article IX.
FAILING TO PROVIDE TROOPS WITH BODY ARMOR AND VEHICLE ARMOR
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution "to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed",
has both personally and acting through his agents and subordinates,
together with the Vice President,
has been responsible for the deaths of members of the U.S. military
and serious injury and trauma to
other soldiers, by failing to provide available body armor and
vehicle armor.
While engaging in an invasion and occupation of choice, not fought
in self-defense, and not launched
in accordance with any timetable other than the President's
choosing, President Bush sent U.S. troops
into danger without providing them with armor. This shortcoming has
been known for years, during
which time, the President has chosen to allow soldiers and Marines
to continue to face unnecessary risk
to life and limb rather then providing them with armor.
In all of these actions and decisions, President George W. Bush has
acted in a manner contrary to his
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subversive of
constitutional government, to the
prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury
of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, President George W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of
an impeachable offense warranting
removal from office.
Article X
FALSIFYING ACCOUNTS OF U.S. TROOP DEATHS AND INJURIES FOR POLITICAL
PURPOSES
In his conduct while President of the United States, George W. Bush,
in violation of his constitutional
oath to faithfully execute the office of President of the United
States and, to the best of his ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and in violation of his constitutional
duty under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution "to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed",
has both personally and acting through his agents and subordinates,
together with the Vice President,
promoted false propaganda stories about members of the United States
military, including individuals
both dead and injured.
The White House and the Department of Defense (DOD) in 2004 promoted
a false account of the death
of Specialist Pat Tillman, reporting that he had died in a hostile
exchange, delaying release of the
information that he had died from friendly fire, shot in the
forehead three times in a manner that led
investigating doctors to believe he had been shot at close range.
A 2005 report by Brig. Gen. Gary M. Jones reported that in the days
immediately following Specialist
Tillman's death, U.S. Army investigators were aware that Specialist
Tillman was killed by friendly fire,
shot three times to the head, and that senior Army commanders,
including Gen. John Abizaid, knew of
this fact within days of the shooting but nevertheless approved the
awarding of the Silver Star, Purple
Heart, and a posthumous promotion.
On April 24, 2007, Spc. Bryan O'Neal, the last soldier to see
Specialist Pat Tillman alive, testified
before the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee that he
was warned by superiors not
to divulge information that a fellow soldier killed Specialist
Tillman, especially to the Tillman family.
The White House refused to provide requested documents to the
committee, citing "executive branch
confidentiality interests."
The White House and DOD in 2003 promoted a false account of the
injury of Jessica Dawn Lynch,
reporting that she had been captured in a hostile exchange and had
been dramatically rescued. On April
2, 2003, the DOD released a video of the rescue and claimed that
Lynch had stab and bullet wounds,
and that she had been slapped about on her hospital bed and
interrogated. Iraqi doctors and nurses later
interviewed, i
